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Cawthorn Camps is a fascinating – and enigmatic – site with the remains of a Roman camp in addition to two Roman forts, one of which had an annex. The earthen ramparts and gates are particularly well preserved.

During the 1920s it was excavated by the eminent archaeologist Sir Ian Richmond and his colleagues. He proposed that the earthworks had been constructed for training purposes between the late 1^st century and the early 2^nd century. But more recent work by Graham Lee and Pete Wilson has led to a reassessment of Cawthorn (Figure 1). It is now considered that it was an integral component of the Roman occupation of Yorkshire involving several building phases over a period of around 40 years.

It is suggested that the first military structure constructed by the Roman forces was a temporary fort (D) (Figure 2). This would have been a rectangular enclosure with rounded corners and surrounded by a single ditch. Such forts typically had a headquarters building (principia) in the centre, flanked by a house for the commander (praetorium) on one side and one or more granaries (horrea) on the other. Most of the rest of the fort’s interior would have been taken up with ordered rows of barrack blocks.

Some years later a re-occupation of (D) entailed digging an outer Punic ditch (Figure 3). This was constructed with a gently sloping inner wall and a steep outer wall: easy to jump in but tricky to get out! Importantly these two periods of use (probably around AD 80 and AD 120) match those for the fort at Lease Rigg a few miles north.

Roman camps had no fixed internal structures with troops being accommodated in tents. They were only occupied for a few days or weeks with the perimeter defences being less substantial in comparison with forts and topped with a row of sharpened stakes.

The camp at Cawthorn (C) is surrounded by a coffin shaped rampart and three clavicula-type gates can still be clearly seen (Figure 4). Claviculae were designed to force attackers to pass through the gateway sideways with their sword-arms exposed. There were various types of camp and (C) was probably a construction camp linked to the building of another temporary fort (A) to the east. The lack of any gates on the west side of the camp might relate to a continuing occupation of fort (D) when the camp was established. However, the second outer ditch of fort (D) broke through the defences of this camp, indicating that, by then, the camp had been abandoned.

Fort A was a substantial structure with a deep ditch (4.5 metres X 2.1 metres) and double claviculae. The 1930s excavations identified post holes and some vestiges of timber ramparts in addition to the possible remains of a platform for a ballista in the south east corner. Also, a prehistoric burial mound in the centre of the fort might have been remodelled by the Romans into a tribunal, from which senior officers could have addressed the troops.

Many Roman forts had attached annexes providing additional space for storage and accommodation (particularly for goods, animals and troops in transit) in addition to facilities such as workshops. At Cawthorn it seems highly likely that the earthworks east of fort (A) served as such an annex (B). There is also evidence for stone ovens and hearths in addition to turf-built structures linked to the Roman occupation within both fort (A) and annex (B).

Today Cawthorn still puzzles many historians and archaeologists. Questions remain about the routes followed by the troops to and from the site as well as the reason for choosing a location with such a poor water supply. There have also been few finds with no coins and only a minimal amount of pottery being unearthed. But it is important to appreciate that a Roman army on campaign made particular use of metal vessels – paterae – for cooking and eating. A fine example of a patera is Lucius’ Pan which has been marked with its owners name, hence Lucius, this is often on display at Malton Museum.

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Figure 1: Plan of Cawthorn Camps showing recent excavation trenches ©English Heritage

Figure 2: Overview of Fort D and Camp C looking south ©English Heritage

Figure 3: The Punic ditch of Fort D ©Nick Summerton

Figure 4: A clavicula-type gate of Camp C ©Nick Summerton

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Find out more about Cawthorn Camps from

North York Moors, National Park

Historic England

Britain Express

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It might be a surprise to you just how many Roman villas there are around Malton and Norton – do you know which features define a Roman building as a villa…?

To Pliny the Younger, writing in the 1^st Century AD, the Latin word ‘villa’ simply meant a country house where he could escape from the hustle and bustle of the city. But ancient East Yorkshire was a long way – both geographically and culturally – from Italy so we need to tread carefully in using the term ‘villa’ to describe Roman structures that might be unearthed within the local countryside.

Professor Martin Millett has proposed that – in Britain – rural buildings might be classified as villas if they are rectangular in plan, make use of stone, have solid floors (sometimes with mosaics) in addition to hypocausts and baths. Using these criteria, it seems that at least twenty-one Roman villas can be identified within a 30km radius around Malton (and a dozen within 20km) including examples at Hovingham, Langton and Beadlam.

During the construction of ornamental gardens, streams and fish-ponds at Hovingham Hall in 1745 the remains of a Roman bath-suite were found complete with hypocausts (Figure 1) . Some 74 metres west of this structure another building was unearthed containing a mosaic floor and, more recently, a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey has identified a further rectangular building, 45 metres by 23 metres.

At Langton at least two Roman villas existed and the one located east of the village was comprehensively excavated in the 1930s. A particularly significant discovery was the remains of a building termed a ‘dwelling house’ with hypocausts and the vestiges of a mosaic pavement (Figure 2). A small bath house was also found 55 metres further east.

The villa at Beadlam is the only local example where the walls are still exposed above ground (Figures 3 & 4). It was discovered in 1964 by ploughing and then carefully examined over the subsequent 15 years. Important finds include mosaics (possibly made by the same individual as the example at Hovingham), wall plaster, channelled hypocausts and wall heating flues in addition to the remains of a large number of glass drinking vessels.

Beadlam is a complicated structure with three main ranges – north, east and west – and eleven distinct buildings. The northern section is visible today and, although the mosaic discovered there has been moved to storage in Helmsley, it is a splendid site to visit (Figure 5). A bathhouse was also found at the end of the west wing and this area can still be detected as an earthwork.

In common with the Langton dwelling house, the north range at Beadlam was fronted by a veranda and it seems likely that both buildings had upper stories too. They were probably mixed farms with a considerable quantity of animal bones being found at Langton and possible stock yards at Beadlam. There were also corn-drying ovens and Beadlam boasted a small mill too. Many villas were not simply agricultural establishments and often accommodated other manufacturing and processing activities. Two large hoards of iron tools have been unearthed at Beadlam and there was metal working taking place at Langton.

At both Langton and Beadlam there is archaeological evidence of structures that existed prior to the villas being built, suggesting that the occupants may have been Romanised locals. The finding of bronze writing styli implies that they might have been literate too. It is quite conceivable that such individuals could have held positions of importance in Malton where they also took their produce to market. However, it is important to appreciate that, across Britain, many villa residents would have been tenants while some owners were not British or even lived in Britain.

Based on the coin, glass and pottery finds at Hovingham, Langton and Beadlam it is clear that they were all occupied from the mid second century until well into the late 4^th or early 5^th centuries. This prolonged period of use – with many of the embellishments to the living accommodation taking place in the 4^th century – perhaps reflects confidence in the security provided by the troops at Malton and the signal stations along the coast. Interestingly a cavalry spur and a Roman military strap end have been found at Beadlam.

As part of our new range of tours this year, Malton Museum will be offering visits around Beadlam Villa and Cawthorn Roman Camps. Look out for details on social media, our website and in the local press. Both tours will be led by our ‘Blogger’ Nick Summerton.

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Figure 1: The 1745 report of the finds at Hovingham ©Sir William Worsley

Figure 2: Overview of the excavations at Langton ©Malton Museum

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Figure 3: The edging of the mosaic at Beadlam ©English Heritage

Figure 4: Box flue tile in the wall of the heated mosaic room at Beadlam ©Nick Summerton

Figure 5: Overview of the villa at Beadlam ©Nick Summerton

Find out more about Beadlam on wikipedia: wikipedia

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Much like many of our modern gardens, Roman gardens were also designed to be a place of relaxation, that encouraged wildlife, as well as providing food, herbs, and medicine.

Private gardens were popular with the Romans producing fruit, vegetables and herbs plus, on occasion, honey and wine. A wide range of plants were also available to the Romans, and Pliny the Elder lists 70 cultivated for food or cooking, 39 used for making wines or cordials and 16 grown to encourage bees. In addition, he mentions 101 items with medicinal properties such as lettuce to help with sleep.

Pliny also wrote how his work had been ‘aided by Antonius Castor, who in our time enjoyed the highest reputation for an intimate acquaintance with this branch of knowledge. I had the opportunity of visiting his garden, in which, though he had passed his hundredth year, he cultivated vast numbers of plants with the greatest care. Though he had reached this great age, he had never experienced any bodily ailment, and neither his memory nor his natural vigour had been the least impaired by the lapse of time‘.

There is obviously an overlap between the different purposes of plants (and plant-related products) with some, such as bay laurel or honey, having both culinary and medical uses. However, aside from providing medicinal plants and herbs, Roman gardens probably had a much broader health role in encouraging movement and enabling access to ‘pure air’ (incorporating elements such as air movement, natural sounds, aromas, sunlight and vistas) in addition to enhancing psychological wellbeing. All these elements are still relevant today.

Significant physical work is involved in establishing and maintaining a Roman garden and, in his list of exercises, the Roman physician Galen specifically advocated ‘digging, bearing burdens, pruning vines and reaping‘. But it is also clear that Roman gardens were designed to encourage movement both around the perimeter and in between the individual beds. Pliny the Younger describes tree-lined pathways and avenues edged by box hedges at his villa in Tuscany. Garden paths have also been identified archeologically from a number of villa sites including Frocester Court in Gloucestershire . The Roman architect Vitruvius even provided details on the construction of sand-covered walkways or ambulationes incorporating drains and a charcoal base to ensure the surface remained dry. Pergolas were often included in Roman gardens to provide shaded walkways.

In relation to wholesome ‘pure air’ Pliny the Younger emphasised the views, breezes and smells at his garden villas, including commenting on a ‘terrace scented with violets‘. Other aromatic plants that would have been found in Roman gardens include camomile, lavender, rosemary and roses.

Enabling psychological wellbeing and developing tranquillity were an important focus for the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius and his physician Galen during the course of their Antonine Plague. Today, as we continue to cope with the after-effects of COVID-19, it is worth bearing in mind that there is good evidence for the positive effects of any gardening in reducing anxiety, depression, stress and rumination (brooding) in addition to enhancing self-esteem. There are also the associated mental health benefits of being exposed to natural light.

Gardening is about being in contact with nature and, as well as the flora, the Romans encouraged birds into their gardens as evidenced by bird baths and feeders. Fishponds and, occasionally, aviaries have been identified at a several sites and some Roman gardens were adorned with fresco paintings showing greenery, flowers, birds and blue sky. Again, there is a wealth of modern research evidence for the benefits of natural settings in their own right for enhancing psychological wellbeing.

The coronavirus pandemic has demonstrated the significant adverse impacts on many people’s mental health as a result of social isolation and I am sure this must have been the case for some of our predecessors too during the time of their plague. Today gardens and gardening are an excellent way to connect with others in a safe space outdoors, especially if it is combined with some immersion in the past. Roman gardens are being reconstructed at various sites including Aldborough, Chester, Fishbourne, Pompeii and many more – well worth a trip!

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Figure 1: The Roman Garden in Chester. ©Carole Raddato, CC BY-SA 2.0 https://creativecommons.org, via Wikimedia Commons

Figure 2: The Roman Garden at Fishbourne. ©David Spender, CC BY 2.0 https://creativecommons.org, via Wikimedia Commons

Figure 3: A Roman Garden in Pompeii: ©I Sailko, CC BY-SA 3.0 http://creativecommons.org, via Wikimedia Commons

Figure 4: The Roman Garden being developed at Aldborough ©Nick Summerton

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When Petillius Cerialis arrived in Britain as the new governor it was not his first trip to the island. Ten years earlier, as commander of the legio IX Hispania, he had been badly mauled by Boudica and, according to the Roman author Tacitus, while trying to assist the citizens of Colchester, he ‘was stopped by the victorious Britons and routed. The entire infantry force was massacred, while Petillius Cerialis escaped to the camp with his cavalry and sheltered behind its defences’.

In his new posting he also knew that one of his first jobs was to deal with the Brigantes tribe in the North: a task that had also fallen to his elder brother, Caesius Nascica, a few years previously. In relation to this earlier engagement Tacitus makes the ‘helpful’ comment that ‘a battle fought by a regular brigade under Caesius Nasica had a satisfactory ending‘. Cerialis would certainly have appreciated that he had quite a hill to climb when he stepped ashore in AD 71!

At the time, the territory of the Brigantes was extensive, covering North Yorkshire, Lancashire and parts of the Lake district. It was most likely an amalgam of several tribes that had been brought together into a slightly shaky confederation. In the early years after the Roman invasion of Britain it was ruled by the powerful Queen Cartimandua.

The relationship between the Brigantes and the Romans had wavered over the years. At the start all appeared quite rosy with the Brigantes adopting a pro-Roman stance, importing luxury Roman goods from the continent and even handing over the rebel Catuvellauni tribal leader Caratacus to the occupying forces (Figure 1).

But there were also some internal tensions between the different Brigantian factions that surfaced from time-to-time. The most serious arose from the estrangement of Cartimandua and her husband Venutius. Tacitus takes up the story: “Venutius, who, quite apart from a violent character and a hatred of all things Roman, was goaded to fury by a personal feud with Queen Cartimandua… She tired of Venutius, who was her consort, and gave her hand and the kingdom to his armour-bearer, one Vellocatus. This scandal immediately shook the royal house to its foundations. The discarded husband could rely on the support of the Brigantian people, the lover upon the infatuation of the queen and her ruthless cruelty. So Venutius summoned help from outside, and a simultaneous revolt on the part of the Brigantes themselves reduced Cartimandua to a position of extreme danger, in which she appealed for Roman assistance. In the event, our cohorts and cavalry regiments did succeed, at the cost of desperate fighting, in rescuing the queen from a tight corner. Venutius inherited the throne, and we the fighting“.

Cerialis arrived in Britain with a newly raised legion (II Adiutrix) and headed up to Lincoln to join the IX Hispania. Leaving the II Adiutrix to settle in at Lincoln he then advanced to York and Malton with his former command, crossing the Humber at Brough. The arrival of Cerialis in Yorkshire marked the start of the Roman association with Malton. The location for the fort on slightly raised ground overlooking the River Derwent would certainly have helped to control an important route along the Vale of Pickering and the eastern approaches to York (Figure 2).

Cerialis’ subsequent three years of campaigning into Brigantia from the East with the legio IX Hispania were supported by the legio XX Valeria Victrix based at Chester and commanded by Julius Agricola, marching up the Western side of the Pennines. The two forces might have eventually met in the Carlisle area and even advanced a short way into Southern Scotland too. But it seems very unlikely that the campaign ever climaxed in a single decisive confrontation. Tacitus describes: “a series of battles – some of them by no means bloodless”.

Venutius and Cartimandua disappear from history and the former stronghold of the Brigantes at Stanwick (Figure 3) was replaced by a new civitas at Isurium Brigantum (Aldborough) (Figure 4). Cerialis left Britain in AD 74 with Agricola becoming governor three years later. Agricola’s daughter, Julia, married the author Tacitus.

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Figure 1: Queen Cartimandua handing over Caratacus to the Romans, as illustrated on at 18^th Century engraving by F. Bartolozzi © Wikimedia Commons

Find out more about Queen Cartimandua on Wikipedia

Find out more about Caratacus on Wikipedia

Figure 2: The first fort at Malton would have looked very similar to the reconstruction that can be seen at Lunt, nr Coventry © Nick Summerton.

Find out more about Lunt Roman Fort

Figure 3: The ramparts of the stronghold of the Brigantes at Stanwick, North Yorks © Nick Summerton.

Find out more about Stanwick from English Heritage

Figure 4: The remains of the Roman walls at Aldborough (Isurium Brigantum) © Nick Summerton.

Find out more about Roman Alborough from English Heritage

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Roman Jet, and the Malton Bear in particular, give us a fascinating insight into Roman life through some highly impressive pieces of artistic jewellery and charms.

The death of Prince Albert in 1861 marked the start of 40 years of mourning by Queen Victoria. It also led to a fashion for the wearing of black and jet jewellery across Victorian society. As an adornment jet had been largely ignored since enjoying tremendous popularity in Roman Britain during the 3^rd and 4^th centuries.

The beginning of the Roman interest in jet is associated with the visit of Julia Domna to York in 208 AD (Figure 1). She had accompanied her husband, the Emperor Septimius Severus, and their two sons, Caracalla and Geta, there prior to a campaign in Scotland. But it cannot have been a particularly joyous family gathering, especially as the only interests shared by the two brothers were reckless extravagance and fratricide!

Julia Domna had been born in Syria and her father was high priest in the temple of the sun god El-Gabal. In addition to being extremely well-read with broad interests in art, philosophy, religion and politics, she was also a trend setter. Her hairstyle was copied by individuals including the Empress Salonina as well as the Palmyrian Queen Zenobia, and it is said that she introduced the wearing of wigs into Rome.

It is quite possible that, during her time in Britain, Julia became fascinated by jet and captivated by some of the objects she would have seen in York. Intriguingly her name, Domna, is an archaic Arabic word meaning “black”, referencing the nature of El-Gabal which took the form of a black stone.

Although, today, we are aware of static electricity, there would have been something magical to the Romans about a substance that, according to the 3^rd century author Solinus `detains things close to it when heated by rubbing`. Pliny also mentioned that, when burnt, jet could be used to detect malingerers or women masquerading as virgins, in addition to being able to drive off snakes.

Jet is a type of lignite, the lowest rank of coal, and the variety from Whitby is derived from the fossilised wood of an extinct species, not like our Monkey Puzzle Tree. Most Roman jet was probably obtained by beachcombing along the coast near Whitby, (Figure 2) being then transported inland to workshops at places such as York and Malton.

Several items of jet decorative jewellery have been unearthed in Malton including rings, beads, a spindle whorl and pins in addition to a splendid, segmented bracelet (Figures 3 & 4). Finds of numerous unfinished jet fragments and an incomplete lathe-tuned baton provides evidence for jet working at Malton.

The religious and magical associations of jet are evidenced by the finds of jet amulets carved in the shape of Medusa heads in graves of young adult females from Roman York (Figure 5). Such items were regarded as having the power to attract and hold evil powers thereby diverting them from other targets, such as the wearer. In some places jet pieces in the shape of animals have come to light – big cats, foxes, bears and eagles. Many of these carved objects exhibit evidence of rubbing too, perhaps to produce an electrostatic effect associated with various magical practices.

In 1929 a grave was excavated just outside the north-east gate of the Malton Roman fort. Alongside an infant skeleton was a jet bear, a jet bead, a copper alloy bracelet and an early 3^rd-century coin (Figure 6). Despite missing its hind legs, the jet figure is an excellent model of a Eurasian Brown Bear, depicting the strong muscle hump behind the head (Figure 7).

Seven other jet bears have been found in infant burials from Roman Britain and it is suggested that they represent guardians placed in the burials to ensure that the child did not enter the underworld alone and unprotected, perhaps linked to the Greek cult of Artemis. The coins found with the jet bears from York and Malton might have been put there to pay the ferryman for the occupant’s journey into the underworld.

Figure 1: Denarius of Julia Domna, excavated at Brough in 2020 ©Nick Summerton

Figure 2: Jet from beachcombing at Whitby ©Geology.com

Find out more about Whitby Jet on ©Geology.com

Figure 3: Jet ring from Malton ©Malton Museum

Figure 4: Jet segmented bracelet from Malton ©Malton Museum

Figure 5: Jet Medusa pendant from York, Photographed by York Museums Trust Staff ©Commons:Licensing., CC BY-SA 4.0 https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=38964856

Figure 6: Infant grave outside north-east gate of Malton fort ©Malton Museum

Figure 7: Malton jet bear ©Malton Museum

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The Roman Army Medical Service assisted Roman soldiers using a wide variety of medical techniques and specialist equipment, some of which was used for very specific purposes.

Roman soldiers would have suffered from many of the same illnesses as we do today. But some of the injuries they received as they battled across Northern Britain were quite distinct from those encountered in modern warfare.

Slashing and cutting wounds from swords would have been particularly common. Occasionally these could be quite deep, exposing internal organs – in fact, military service was seen as a golden opportunity for physicians to learn more about human anatomy!

Other weapons used by the British tribes included spears, knives, axes, stone sling shot and, less commonly, arrows. Consequences for some unfortunate Roman soldiers included fractures, head and eye injuries in addition to penetrating abdominal and chest wounds.

All cuts and abrasions needed cleaning and dressing: some others required stitching too. Sometimes, more complicated surgery was necessary to remove bone fragments, stop bleeding or to extract spear points.

Traumatic wounds are at particular risk of getting infected and honey dressings were frequently used by the Romans. The military physician Dioscorides wrote that `honey is cleansing, opens pores, and draws out fluids. Boiled and applied it heals flesh that stands separated` . Nowadays we are beginning to appreciate the wisdom of our ancient forbears and the important healing properties of natural honey.

A lot of basic wound care would have been provided by fellow soldiers, some of whom – the capsarii – were trained first aiders. On Trajan`s column a capsarius is shown bandaging a fellow soldier’s leg and two others are assisting a wounded comrade (Figure 1). The capsarii were probably under the control of a doctor with the rank of a centurion, the medicus ordinarius. The richly embellished tombstone of Anicius Ingenuus, medicus ordinarius of the first cohort of Tungrians from Housesteads perhaps reflects his importance amongst his colleagues (Figure 2).

The repair of a simple flesh wound was the most performed surgical procedure undertaken by individuals such as Anicius Ingenuus. Basic surgical kits consisting of probes, hooks, forceps, needles, cautery tools and scalpels were readily available (Figure 3), and several possible items have been discovered in excavations at Malton.

Stitching cuts with a needle and thread was not dissimilar to the approach used today, but if there were any concerns about infection or inflammation the fibulae technique was often preferred. This entailed passing copper-alloy skewers through the wound and then looping threads around them in a figure-of-eight fashion. The Roman author Celsus wrote that `fibulae leave the wound wider open…..in order that there may be an outlet for any humour collecting within` (Figure 4).

Some surgical instruments available to Roman military surgeons were quite ingenious. The Dioclean cyathiscus was a spoon-shaped tool with a small hole at the base to take the point of a spear or arrowhead. It would have been passed down into the wound and then rotated slightly to accommodate the weapon which could then have been withdrawn. Specially made forceps would have been used to remove bone fragments as well as for clipping arteries and stopping bleeding (Figure 5).

In a fort such as Malton it is highly likely that there was a military hospital – valetudinarium – as was the case at many of the forts along Hadrian’s Wall. At Housesteads a possible hospital has been identified behind the principia away from the general hustle and bustle of the fort. It is rectangular in plan with a series of small rooms arranged around a central courtyard (Figure 6).

Unlike our modern hospitals valetudinaria were quite small, being only able to accommodate up to 5% of a unit. Soldiers requiring long-term care or convalescence might have been granted sick leave to recuperate elsewhere. From Malton some may even have travelled to the Bridlington area benefitting from the healing effects of sea water and sea air, perhaps at Gabrantwikone Bay mentioned by the 2^nd Century geographer Ptolemy.

Figure 1: Capsarius illustrated on Trajan`s Column ©Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International

Figure 2: Tombstone of Ancinus Ingenuus, medicus ordinarius, from Housesteads ©Nick Summerton

Figure 3: Reconstructed basic medical kit: forceps, needles (bone & brass), scalpels, probes and skin hooks ©Nick Summerton

Figure 4: The use of fibulae for skin closure ©JF Ratcliffe

Figure 5: A pair of forceps for removing bone fragments or clipping arteries (reproduction) ©Nick Summerton

Figure 6: The hospital at Housesteads ©Nick Summerton

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There appears to be a lot of grandeur associated with Roman cavalry, as we can see from some very finely decorated cavalry sports helmets – read on to find out more

Malton has enjoyed a long love affair with horses and racing. It was once dubbed the Newmarket of the North and, according to local legend, it was the Romans who first introduced horse racing to the town.

During the excavation of the Roman civilian settlement (vicus) in 1970, a dedication slab was unearthed (figure 1) dated to the middle of the second century AD. Parts of the lettering are missing, but the complete text probably read:

T or P (?)

CANDIDUS

PREF ♥ ALAE

PICENTIAN

D ♥ D

This is translated as `Candidus, prefect of the Ala Picentiana gave (this) as a gift`. Above the `C` there is also the bottom section of another letter, perhaps T or P, suggesting that Candidus was a cognomen (the third name of a Roman citizen).

Within the Roman Empire the ala were auxiliary units composed entirely of cavalry. The name is Latin for a wing and derives from the use of horsemen on the flanks of the army. Unlike the legions, the auxiliary troops were drawn from the free inhabitants of the Empire who were not Roman citizens, termed peregrini.

By the time of the Malton inscription, there were about 70 auxiliary regiments in Britain amounting to three-quarters of the military force on the island. In addition to eleven alae there were also auxiliary infantry cohorts and mixed units.

Originally auxiliary troops would have been led by their own local chiefs but gradually this changed with most ala prefects being Romans by the second century AD. Such individuals would have moved up the ladder of military promotion from, perhaps, a previous position as military tribune within a legion.

The riders of the Ala Picentiana were recruited from the inhabitants of Gaul, although Candidus would, most probably, have been born into a well-connected Roman family. The five-hundred strong unit served in Germany first before being transferred across to Britain. Stationing the ala at Malton might have been linked to the need to provide the 6th Roman legion (based at York) with a cavalry wing.

One reason for a trooper joining an auxiliary unit was to acquire Roman citizenship by serving for twenty-five years. Bronze diplomas were issued to grant such citizenship, with one copy being given to a veteran and another retained by the authorities. Just outside Sheffield a diploma was ploughed up in 1760 and refers to several units, including Malton`s Ala Picentiana. It is translated as `to the cavalrymen…who have served twenty-five or more years and have been honourably discharged, whose names are written below, citizenship for themselves, their children and descendants, and the right of legal marriage`.

Little digging has taken place inside the walls of the fort at Malton, but a geophysical survey has revealed double lines of barrack blocks. Based on excavations at the cavalry fort at Wallsend it suggested that the troopers occupied one range with their horses being stabled in the adjacent rooms.

Roman auxiliary cavalry riders were usually heavily covered in armour and furnished with short lances, javelins, shields and long swords. Military strap fittings (from horse harnesses), a bone sword handle, copper alloy scale armour, chain mail and iron spearheads have all been unearthed at Malton. The Bridgeness stone (Figure 2) from the Antonine Wall (dating to the same period as the Malton inscription) portrays a fully equipped auxiliary cavalryman trampling and decapitating naked barbarians.

Within the Roman Empire ala units enjoyed considerable prestige and their members were also better paid than auxiliary infantry. Dressed up in parade armour – including splendid helmets of the type found at Ribchester and Crosby Garrett (Figures 3 & 4) – they would have put on spectacular public displays showing the skill and speed of the riders. Perhaps there is a lot of truth in the Malton legend about Roman horse racing!

Figure 1: The Malton Ala Picentiana inscription © Malton Museum

Figure 2: Detail of a legionary tablet c.142 AD found at Bridgeness. It shows a Roman mounted auxiliary trooper. ©Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported

Find out more about the Bridgeness Slab on Wikipedia

Figure 3: Ribchester cavalry sports helmet, bronze. ©Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic

Find our more about Ribchester on Wikipedia

Figure 4: Crosby Garrett Helmet, a copper alloy Roman cavalry helmet dating from the late 2nd or early 3rd century AD © Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic